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Welcome to this edition of JOBS THAT WORK: THE MONEY, a weekly rundown of the news important for leaders on jobs issues and people who use money to get people to work, with exclusive insights for paid readers.
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This week behind the paywall:
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Beadle Across America Speaking Calendar.
Next Thursday, I’ll be talking about closing the gap on training and employment at CECU’s Executive Summit in Palm Springs.
(FYSA: I’m playing with the format this week as I sort where to move this side of the newsletter next after the midterms.)
Stuff you ought to read.
A fascinating report from the National Council for Workforce Education highlights how there isn’t really a training pipeline for leaders in this space. A lot of people just fall into decisionmaking roles on workforce development. Based on this report, I think how we level set with those folks once they’re in their roles needs deeper examination. In my experience, decisionmakers who don’t expect to end up in a role tend to look for what feels safe or what was done before, even if the results aren’t really good.
Jobs for the Future, Gallup, the Families and Workers Fund, et al., published their latest job quality survey. I dig into some of the broader policy implications below, but it’s remarkable to me how the static the results are. As with 2025, 60 percent of workers responded that they don’t have a good job, based on the survey’s definition of a good job. Workers who reported they had a good-quality job were more likely to be with that employer a year later. Workers who didn’t have a good job were nearly twice as likely to work for a different employer the next year.
West Virginia is putting a small portion ($1.5 million of $199 million) of federal rural health dollars toward getting people in recovery back to work. This is a hyper-specific story, but something worth watching for a wide variety of reasons relevant to this space. West Virginia is a workforce nut that plenty of policymakers tried to crack during the Manchin era, when the state had obvious political importance given that Sen. Joe Manchin was the swing vote on many key policies. It’s not as important in Congress in Manchin’s absence, which is a shame, but what takes root in West Virginia worth noting because it can be a tough environment for sustained workforce policy success. Also, this award amount isn’t much money for meaningfully addressing the things that keep people in recovery from the workplace.
One big funding thing.
We finally know who got a missing Trump II apprenticeship grant that addresses a key barrier to apprenticeship growth.
There was one big piece of Trump II’s workforce funding picture for 2026 that we still didn’t know. This week, I found funding records that finally answer who got this year’s Department of Labor grants meant to get more women into apprenticeship programs.
Well, kinda.
As of this writing, Trump II hasn’t officially announced the WANTO 2026 winners. Budget docs continue to signal that Trump II isn’t a fan of the Women in Apprenticeship and Nontraditional Occupations, or WANTO, program. DOGE especially wasn’t and reportedly put a lot of work into trying to kill the program off.
Still, it’s odd to see no announcement related to the apprenticeship expansion, something that’s evidently still key to the President’s agenda. How odd? Well, the Administration announced small mine safety and workplace safety grant winners this month, but not this grant, which directly impacts its clearest and most talked-up workforce goal.
(Although that might make some sense in not highlighting something not going well before the midterms. The Administration still hasn’t updated apprenticeship figures from the fiscal year that ended four weeks ago.)
Winners listed behind the paywall—and why I’m saying “kinda.”
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